By Ammiel Alcalay
Alcalay (Hebrew literature, urban U. of recent York) argues that the very components of the historic family among Jews and Arabs, and the character of the Levant itself, supply instruments for resolving the present scenario within the heart East. His sections conceal discontinued traces drafts for an itinerary,
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Extra info for After Jews And Arabs: Remaking Levantine Culture
Anti-Socialist, they form the base of support for the right-wing parties. 62 Shohat goes on to illustrate each of these categories with quotes from politicians and intellectuals spanning the range of liberal to reactionary over the past forty-odd years. " These Jews are always identified with negatively characterized Arabs and the fearful specter of sinking into the inferiority of the surrounding world: "We do not want Israelis to become Arabs. " As Abba Eban, a figure instrumental in conveying a certain image of Israel through his statesmanship, writing, and historical productions for television, put it, "the object should be to infuse the Sephardim with an Occidental spirit, rather than allow them to drag us into an unnatural Orientalism.
The other limit point ranges between the appearance of Sa'adia Gaon's Arabic translation of the Bible and the appearance of Arabic meters, forms, and themes in the tenthcentury Hebrew poetry of his student Dunash Ben Labrat. These two literary events also limn the sweeping social and economic changes brought about by what the great historian S. D. Goitein called "the great bourgeois revolution" of the ninth century; it was then that the long process transforming the Jews from a primarily agricultural to a primarily urban people had reached its final stage.
10 Sometimes, these contributions sent clear political messages that could not have been greeted with much enthusiasm; Sir Ellie Kadoorie of Hong Kong (the major contributor for the building of Hebrew University), for example, contributed 150,000 Palestinian pounds to build two agricultural schools, one for Jews and one for Palestinians. But the arrival at a consensus among opposing factions in the years of institution building —the forming of the state—determined the nature of the state as •well as the final exclusion of native Jews from any significant roles in policy-making bodies, as Shlomo Swirski has noted: People from different movements who, during the Old Yishuv period and under the British Mandate, fought with each other, now became the 40 Discontinued Lines rulers of a self-governing state bureaucracy.