By Nadine Naber
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Additional resources for Arab America: Gender, Cultural Politics, and Activism
S. discourses were emphasizing racial integration and, to a large degree, assimilation (Brodkin 2002). Most of them were not exceptionally wealthy in their homelands and came primarily from families involved in trading and agriculture. Most often, their extended family members pooled funds so one or two family members could migrate to the United States. After their arrival, relations with other Arab immigrants who had already established themselves in the Bay Area allowed them to develop the means to invest in business entrepreneurship within a few years.
Thus in places where the personal and political stakes are high, I invited interlocutors to read chapters, correct mistakes, refuse publication of sensitive matters, contribute to the analysis, and provide feedback. In some places, I incorporated their responses into the book. Second, reciprocity and feedback allowed interlocutors to collaborate with me on how I was going to represent their stories. For instance, several activists whose stories I narrate in chapters 3, 4, and 5 collaborated with me on how I would refer to their political visions and affiliations.
Government claimed that the PFLP advocated world communism, making affiliation with it a deportable offense under the McCarranWalter Act. Although FBI director William Webster testified before Congress that none of the eight had engaged in any criminal activity, the case dragged on in federal court for twenty years as the Justice Department pressured the courts to deport them. 18 Furthermore, court proceedings revealed a Justice Department contingency plan providing a blueprint for the mass arrest of ten thousand alien terrorists and undesirable Arabs within the United States (Joseph 1999).